Development at Gunpoint’ duration :: Story of destruction in Orissa

The vegetable garden of Odisha is going to be submerged and more than 50 villages displaced; and the name of the game is ‘Development at Gunpoint’ – meaning ‘peaceful industrialization’ as the chief minister claims!
Thousands of farmers of the Lower Suktel plateau in Balangir are protesting against this upcoming dam for more than a decade now. After many a round of brutal repression and forceful land acquisition, the State has now declared the ‘final war’ against its own people.

On 29 April 2013, more than 2000 people were holding ground in opposition to the dam project. Early in the morning, 10 platoons of police force cracked down on the peaceful protesters. They started beating people mercilessly, without any provocation. They dragged women, clamped their feet with heavy boots, and tried to lynch Amitabh Patra, a filmmaker, who was filming the excesses first hand. The policemen, who appeared to be drunk, behaved like hired goons of some mafia outfit.

The police arrested 16 people, including Amitabh Patra and Lenin Kumar, editor of *Nisan*. Amitabh is still struggling for life with severe head injuries.

मैं नास्तिक क्यों हूँ? :: भगतसिंह

एक नया प्रश्न उठ खड़ा हुआ है। क्या मैं किसी अहंकार के कारण सर्वशक्तिमान, सर्वव्यापी तथा सर्वज्ञानी ईश्वर के अस्तित्व पर विश्वास नहीं करता हूँ? मेरे कुछ दोस्त – शायद ऐसा कहकर मैं उन पर बहुत अधिकार नहीं जमा रहा हूँ – मेरे साथ अपने थोड़े से सम्पर्क में इस निष्कर्ष पर पहुँचने के लिये उत्सुक हैं कि मैं ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को नकार कर कुछ ज़रूरत से ज़्यादा आगे जा रहा हूँ और मेरे घमण्ड ने कुछ हद तक मुझे इस अविश्वास के लिये उकसाया है। मैं ऐसी कोई शेखी नहीं बघारता कि मैं मानवीय कमज़ोरियों से बहुत ऊपर हूँ। मैं एक मनुष्य हूँ, और इससे अधिक कुछ नहीं। कोई भी इससे अधिक होने का दावा नहीं कर सकता। यह कमज़ोरी मेरे अन्दर भी है। अहंकार भी मेरे स्वभाव का अंग है। अपने कामरेडो के बीच मुझे निरंकुश कहा जाता था। यहाँ तक कि मेरे दोस्त श्री बटुकेश्वर कुमार दत्त भी मुझे कभी-कभी ऐसा कहते थे। कई मौकों पर स्वेच्छाचारी कह मेरी निन्दा भी की गयी। कुछ दोस्तों को शिकायत है, और गम्भीर रूप से है कि मैं अनचाहे ही अपने विचार, उन पर थोपता हूँ और अपने प्रस्तावों को मनवा लेता हूँ। यह बात कुछ हद तक सही है। इससे मैं इनकार नहीं करता। इसे अहंकार कहा जा सकता है। जहाँ तक अन्य प्रचलित मतों के मुकाबले हमारे अपने मत का सवाल है। मुझे निश्चय ही अपने मत पर गर्व है। लेकिन यह व्यक्तिगत नहीं है। ऐसा हो सकता है कि यह केवल अपने विश्वास के प्रति न्यायोचित गर्व हो और इसको घमण्ड नहीं कहा जा सकता। घमण्ड तो स्वयं के प्रति अनुचित गर्व की अधिकता है। क्या यह अनुचित गर्व है, जो मुझे नास्तिकता की ओर ले गया? अथवा इस विषय का खूब सावधानी से अध्ययन करने और उस पर खूब विचार करने के बाद मैंने ईश्वर पर अविश्वास किया?

मैं यह समझने में पूरी तरह से असफल रहा हूँ कि अनुचित गर्व या वृथाभिमान किस तरह किसी व्यक्ति के ईश्वर में विश्वास करने के रास्ते में रोड़ा बन सकता है? किसी वास्तव में महान व्यक्ति की महानता को मैं मान्यता न दूँ – यह तभी हो सकता है, जब मुझे भी थोड़ा ऐसा यश प्राप्त हो गया हो जिसके या तो मैं योग्य नहीं हूँ या मेरे अन्दर वे गुण नहीं हैं, जो इसके लिये आवश्यक हैं। यहाँ तक तो समझ में आता है। लेकिन यह कैसे हो सकता है कि एक व्यक्ति, जो ईश्वर में विश्वास रखता हो, सहसा अपने व्यक्तिगत अहंकार के कारण उसमें विश्वास करना बन्द कर दे? दो ही रास्ते सम्भव हैं। या तो मनुष्य अपने को ईश्वर का प्रतिद्वन्द्वी समझने लगे या वह स्वयं को ही ईश्वर मानना शुरू कर दे। इन दोनो ही अवस्थाओं में वह सच्चा नास्तिक नहीं बन सकता। पहली अवस्था में तो वह अपने प्रतिद्वन्द्वी के अस्तित्व को नकारता ही नहीं है। दूसरी अवस्था में भी वह एक ऐसी चेतना के अस्तित्व को मानता है, जो पर्दे के पीछे से प्रकृति की सभी गतिविधियों का संचालन करती है। मैं तो उस सर्वशक्तिमान परम आत्मा के अस्तित्व से ही इनकार करता हूँ। यह अहंकार नहीं है, जिसने मुझे नास्तिकता के सिद्धान्त को ग्रहण करने के लिये प्रेरित किया। मैं न तो एक प्रतिद्वन्द्वी हूँ, न ही एक अवतार और न ही स्वयं परमात्मा। इस अभियोग को अस्वीकार करने के लिये आइए तथ्यों पर गौर करें। मेरे इन दोस्तों के अनुसार, दिल्ली बम केस और लाहौर षडयन्त्र केस के दौरान मुझे जो अनावश्यक यश मिला, शायद उस कारण मैं वृथाभिमानी हो गया हूँ।

मेरा नास्तिकतावाद कोई अभी हाल की उत्पत्ति नहीं है। मैंने तो ईश्वर पर विश्वास करना तब छोड़ दिया था, जब मैं एक अप्रसिद्ध नौजवान था। कम से कम एक कालेज का विद्यार्थी तो ऐसे किसी अनुचित अहंकार को नहीं पाल-पोस सकता, जो उसे नास्तिकता की ओर ले जाये। यद्यपि मैं कुछ अध्यापकों का चहेता था तथा कुछ अन्य को मैं अच्छा नहीं लगता था। पर मैं कभी भी बहुत मेहनती अथवा पढ़ाकू विद्यार्थी नहीं रहा। अहंकार जैसी भावना में फँसने का कोई मौका ही न मिल सका। मैं तो एक बहुत लज्जालु स्वभाव का लड़का था, जिसकी भविष्य के बारे में कुछ निराशावादी प्रकृति थी। मेरे बाबा, जिनके प्रभाव में मैं बड़ा हुआ, एक रूढ़िवादी आर्य समाजी हैं। एक आर्य समाजी और कुछ भी हो, नास्तिक नहीं होता। अपनी प्राथमिक शिक्षा पूरी करने के बाद मैंने डी0 ए0 वी0 स्कूल, लाहौर में प्रवेश लिया और पूरे एक साल उसके छात्रावास में रहा। वहाँ सुबह और शाम की प्रार्थना के अतिरिक्त में घण्टों गायत्री मंत्र जपा करता था। उन दिनों मैं पूरा भक्त था। बाद में मैंने अपने पिता के साथ रहना शुरू किया। जहाँ तक धार्मिक रूढ़िवादिता का प्रश्न है, वह एक उदारवादी व्यक्ति हैं। उन्हीं की शिक्षा से मुझे स्वतन्त्रता के ध्येय के लिये अपने जीवन को समर्पित करने की प्रेरणा मिली। किन्तु वे नास्तिक नहीं हैं। उनका ईश्वर में दृढ़ विश्वास है। वे मुझे प्रतिदिन पूजा-प्रार्थना के लिये प्रोत्साहित करते रहते थे। इस प्रकार से मेरा पालन-पोषण हुआ। असहयोग आन्दोलन के दिनों में राष्ट्रीय कालेज में प्रवेश लिया। यहाँ आकर ही मैंने सारी धार्मिक समस्याओं – यहाँ तक कि ईश्वर के अस्तित्व के बारे में उदारतापूर्वक सोचना, विचारना तथा उसकी आलोचना करना शुरू किया। पर अभी भी मैं पक्का आस्तिक था। उस समय तक मैं अपने लम्बे बाल रखता था। यद्यपि मुझे कभी-भी सिक्ख या अन्य धर्मों की पौराणिकता और सिद्धान्तों में विश्वास न हो सका था। किन्तु मेरी ईश्वर के अस्तित्व में दृढ़ निष्ठा थी। बाद में मैं क्रान्तिकारी पार्टी से जुड़ा। वहाँ जिस पहले नेता से मेरा सम्पर्क हुआ वे तो पक्का विश्वास न होते हुए भी ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को नकारने का साहस ही नहीं कर सकते थे। ईश्वर के बारे में मेरे हठ पूर्वक पूछते रहने पर वे कहते, ‘’जब इच्छा हो, तब पूजा कर लिया करो।’’ यह नास्तिकता है, जिसमें साहस का अभाव है। दूसरे नेता, जिनके मैं सम्पर्क में आया, पक्के श्रद्धालु आदरणीय कामरेड शचीन्द्र नाथ सान्याल आजकल काकोरी षडयन्त्र केस के सिलसिले में आजीवन कारवास भोग रहे हैं। उनकी पुस्तक ‘बन्दी जीवन’ ईश्वर की महिमा का ज़ोर-शोर से गान है। उन्होंने उसमें ईश्वर के ऊपर प्रशंसा के पुष्प रहस्यात्मक वेदान्त के कारण बरसाये हैं। 28 जनवरी, 1925 को पूरे भारत में जो ‘दि रिवोल्यूशनरी’ (क्रान्तिकारी) पर्चा बाँटा गया था, वह उन्हीं के बौद्धिक श्रम का परिणाम है। उसमें सर्वशक्तिमान और उसकी लीला एवं कार्यों की प्रशंसा की गयी है। मेरा ईश्वर के प्रति अविश्वास का भाव क्रान्तिकारी दल में भी प्रस्फुटित नहीं हुआ था। काकोरी के सभी चार शहीदों ने अपने अन्तिम दिन भजन-प्रार्थना में गुजारे थे। राम प्रसाद ‘बिस्मिल’ एक रूढ़िवादी आर्य समाजी थे। समाजवाद तथा साम्यवाद में अपने वृहद अध्ययन के बावजूद राजेन लाहड़ी उपनिषद एवं गीता के श्लोकों के उच्चारण की अपनी अभिलाषा को दबा न सके। मैंने उन सब मे सिर्फ एक ही व्यक्ति को देखा, जो कभी प्रार्थना नहीं करता था और कहता था, ‘’दर्शन शास्त्र मनुष्य की दुर्बलता अथवा ज्ञान के सीमित होने के कारण उत्पन्न होता है। वह भी आजीवन निर्वासन की सजा भोग रहा है। परन्तु उसने भी ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को नकारने की कभी हिम्मत नहीं की।

इस समय तक मैं केवल एक रोमान्टिक आदर्शवादी क्रान्तिकारी था। अब तक हम दूसरों का अनुसरण करते थे। अब अपने कन्धों पर ज़िम्मेदारी उठाने का समय आया था। यह मेरे क्रान्तिकारी जीवन का एक निर्णायक बिन्दु था। ‘अध्ययन’ की पुकार मेरे मन के गलियारों में गूँज रही थी – विरोधियों द्वारा रखे गये तर्कों का सामना करने योग्य बनने के लिये अध्ययन करो। अपने मत के पक्ष में तर्क देने के लिये सक्षम होने के वास्ते पढ़ो। मैंने पढ़ना शुरू कर दिया। इससे मेरे पुराने विचार व विश्वास अद्भुत रूप से परिष्कृत हुए। रोमांस की जगह गम्भीर विचारों ने ली ली। न और अधिक रहस्यवाद, न ही अन्धविश्वास। यथार्थवाद हमारा आधार बना। मुझे विश्वक्रान्ति के अनेक आदर्शों के बारे में पढ़ने का खूब मौका मिला। मैंने अराजकतावादी नेता बाकुनिन को पढ़ा, कुछ साम्यवाद के पिता माक्र्स को, किन्तु अधिक लेनिन, त्रात्स्की, व अन्य लोगों को पढ़ा, जो अपने देश में सफलतापूर्वक क्रान्ति लाये थे। ये सभी नास्तिक थे। बाद में मुझे निरलम्ब स्वामी की पुस्तक ‘सहज ज्ञान’ मिली। इसमें रहस्यवादी नास्तिकता थी। 1926 के अन्त तक मुझे इस बात का विश्वास हो गया कि एक सर्वशक्तिमान परम आत्मा की बात, जिसने ब्रह्माण्ड का सृजन, दिग्दर्शन और संचालन किया, एक कोरी बकवास है। मैंने अपने इस अविश्वास को प्रदर्शित किया। मैंने इस विषय पर अपने दोस्तों से बहस की। मैं एक घोषित नास्तिक हो चुका था।

मई 1927 में मैं लाहौर में गिरफ़्तार हुआ। रेलवे पुलिस हवालात में मुझे एक महीना काटना पड़ा। पुलिस अफ़सरों ने मुझे बताया कि मैं लखनऊ में था, जब वहाँ काकोरी दल का मुकदमा चल रहा था, कि मैंने उन्हें छुड़ाने की किसी योजना पर बात की थी, कि उनकी सहमति पाने के बाद हमने कुछ बम प्राप्त किये थे, कि 1927 में दशहरा के अवसर पर उन बमों में से एक परीक्षण के लिये भीड़ पर फेंका गया, कि यदि मैं क्रान्तिकारी दल की गतिविधियों पर प्रकाश डालने वाला एक वक्तव्य दे दूँ, तो मुझे गिरफ़्तार नहीं किया जायेगा और इसके विपरीत मुझे अदालत में मुखबिर की तरह पेश किये बेगैर रिहा कर दिया जायेगा और इनाम दिया जायेगा। मैं इस प्रस्ताव पर हँसा। यह सब बेकार की बात थी। हम लोगों की भाँति विचार रखने वाले अपनी निर्दोष जनता पर बम नहीं फेंका करते। एक दिन सुबह सी0 आई0 डी0 के वरिष्ठ अधीक्षक श्री न्यूमन ने कहा कि यदि मैंने वैसा वक्तव्य नहीं दिया, तो मुझ पर काकोरी केस से सम्बन्धित विद्रोह छेड़ने के षडयन्त्र तथा दशहरा उपद्रव में क्रूर हत्याओं के लिये मुकदमा चलाने पर बाध्य होंगे और कि उनके पास मुझे सजा दिलाने व फाँसी पर लटकवाने के लिये उचित प्रमाण हैं। उसी दिन से कुछ पुलिस अफ़सरों ने मुझे नियम से दोनो समय ईश्वर की स्तुति करने के लिये फुसलाना शुरू किया। पर अब मैं एक नास्तिक था। मैं स्वयं के लिये यह बात तय करना चाहता था कि क्या शान्ति और आनन्द के दिनों में ही मैं नास्तिक होने का दम्भ भरता हूँ या ऐसे कठिन समय में भी मैं उन सिद्धान्तों पर अडिग रह सकता हूँ। बहुत सोचने के बाद मैंने निश्चय किया कि किसी भी तरह ईश्वर पर विश्वास तथा प्रार्थना मैं नहीं कर सकता। नहीं, मैंने एक क्षण के लिये भी नहीं की। यही असली परीक्षण था और मैं सफल रहा। अब मैं एक पक्का अविश्वासी था और तब से लगातार हूँ। इस परीक्षण पर खरा उतरना आसान काम न था। ‘विश्वास’ कष्टों को हलका कर देता है। यहाँ तक कि उन्हें सुखकर बना सकता है। ईश्वर में मनुष्य को अत्यधिक सान्त्वना देने वाला एक आधार मिल सकता है। उसके बिना मनुष्य को अपने ऊपर निर्भर करना पड़ता है। तूफ़ान और झंझावात के बीच अपने पाँवों पर खड़ा रहना कोई बच्चों का खेल नहीं है। परीक्षा की इन घड़ियों में अहंकार यदि है, तो भाप बन कर उड़ जाता है और मनुष्य अपने विश्वास को ठुकराने का साहस नहीं कर पाता। यदि ऐसा करता है, तो इससे यह निष्कर्ष निकलता है कि उसके पास सिर्फ़ अहंकार नहीं वरन् कोई अन्य शक्ति है। आज बिलकुल वैसी ही स्थिति है। निर्णय का पूरा-पूरा पता है। एक सप्ताह के अन्दर ही यह घोषित हो जायेगा कि मैं अपना जीवन एक ध्येय पर न्योछावर करने जा रहा हूँ। इस विचार के अतिरिक्त और क्या सान्त्वना हो सकती है? ईश्वर में विश्वास रखने वाला हिन्दू पुनर्जन्म पर राजा होने की आशा कर सकता है। एक मुसलमान या ईसाई स्वर्ग में व्याप्त समृद्धि के आनन्द की तथा अपने कष्टों और बलिदान के लिये पुरस्कार की कल्पना कर सकता है। किन्तु मैं क्या आशा करूँ? मैं जानता हूँ कि जिस क्षण रस्सी का फ़न्दा मेरी गर्दन पर लगेगा और मेरे पैरों के नीचे से तख़्ता हटेगा, वह पूर्ण विराम होगा – वह अन्तिम क्षण होगा। मैं या मेरी आत्मा सब वहीं समाप्त हो जायेगी। आगे कुछ न रहेगा। एक छोटी सी जूझती हुई ज़िन्दगी, जिसकी कोई ऐसी गौरवशाली परिणति नहीं है, अपने में स्वयं एक पुरस्कार होगी – यदि मुझमें इस दृष्टि से देखने का साहस हो। बिना किसी स्वार्थ के यहाँ या यहाँ के बाद पुरस्कार की इच्छा के बिना, मैंने अनासक्त भाव से अपने जीवन को स्वतन्त्रता के ध्येय पर समर्पित कर दिया है, क्योंकि मैं और कुछ कर ही नहीं सकता था। जिस दिन हमें इस मनोवृत्ति के बहुत-से पुरुष और महिलाएँ मिल जायेंगे, जो अपने जीवन को मनुष्य की सेवा और पीड़ित मानवता के उद्धार के अतिरिक्त कहीं समर्पित कर ही नहीं सकते, उसी दिन मुक्ति के युग का शुभारम्भ होगा। वे शोषकों, उत्पीड़कों और अत्याचारियों को चुनौती देने के लिये उत्प्रेरित होंगे। इस लिये नहीं कि उन्हें राजा बनना है या कोई अन्य पुरस्कार प्राप्त करना है यहाँ या अगले जन्म में या मृत्योपरान्त स्वर्ग में। उन्हें तो मानवता की गर्दन से दासता का जुआ उतार फेंकने और मुक्ति एवं शान्ति स्थापित करने के लिये इस मार्ग को अपनाना होगा। क्या वे उस रास्ते पर चलेंगे जो उनके अपने लिये ख़तरनाक किन्तु उनकी महान आत्मा के लिये एक मात्र कल्पनीय रास्ता है। क्या इस महान ध्येय के प्रति उनके गर्व को अहंकार कहकर उसका गलत अर्थ लगाया जायेगा? कौन इस प्रकार के घृणित विशेषण बोलने का साहस करेगा? या तो वह मूर्ख है या धूर्त। हमें चाहिए कि उसे क्षमा कर दें, क्योंकि वह उस हृदय में उद्वेलित उच्च विचारों, भावनाओं, आवेगों तथा उनकी गहराई को महसूस नहीं कर सकता। उसका हृदय मांस के एक टुकड़े की तरह मृत है। उसकी आँखों पर अन्य स्वार्थों के प्रेतों की छाया पड़ने से वे कमज़ोर हो गयी हैं। स्वयं पर भरोसा रखने के गुण को सदैव अहंकार की संज्ञा दी जा सकती है। यह दुखपूर्ण और कष्टप्रद है, पर चारा ही क्या है?

आलोचना और स्वतन्त्र विचार एक क्रान्तिकारी के दोनो अनिवार्य गुण हैं। क्योंकि हमारे पूर्वजों ने किसी परम आत्मा के प्रति विश्वास बना लिया था। अतः कोई भी व्यक्ति जो उस विश्वास को सत्यता या उस परम आत्मा के अस्तित्व को ही चुनौती दे, उसको विधर्मी, विश्वासघाती कहा जायेगा। यदि उसके तर्क इतने अकाट्य हैं कि उनका खण्डन वितर्क द्वारा नहीं हो सकता और उसकी आस्था इतनी प्रबल है कि उसे ईश्वर के प्रकोप से होने वाली विपत्तियों का भय दिखा कर दबाया नहीं जा सकता तो उसकी यह कह कर निन्दा की जायेगी कि वह वृथाभिमानी है। यह मेरा अहंकार नहीं था, जो मुझे नास्तिकता की ओर ले गया। मेरे तर्क का तरीका संतोषप्रद सिद्ध होता है या नहीं इसका निर्णय मेरे पाठकों को करना है, मुझे नहीं। मैं जानता हूँ कि ईश्वर पर विश्वास ने आज मेरा जीवन आसान और मेरा बोझ हलका कर दिया होता। उस पर मेरे अविश्वास ने सारे वातावरण को अत्यन्त शुष्क बना दिया है। थोड़ा-सा रहस्यवाद इसे कवित्वमय बना सकता है। किन्तु मेरे भाग्य को किसी उन्माद का सहारा नहीं चाहिए। मैं यथार्थवादी हूँ। मैं अन्तः प्रकृति पर विवेक की सहायता से विजय चाहता हूँ। इस ध्येय में मैं सदैव सफल नहीं हुआ हूँ। प्रयास करना मनुष्य का कर्तव्य है। सफलता तो संयोग तथा वातावरण पर निर्भर है। कोई भी मनुष्य, जिसमें तनिक भी विवेक शक्ति है, वह अपने वातावरण को तार्किक रूप से समझना चाहेगा। जहाँ सीधा प्रमाण नहीं है, वहाँ दर्शन शास्त्र का महत्व है। जब हमारे पूर्वजों ने फुरसत के समय विश्व के रहस्य को, इसके भूत, वर्तमान एवं भविष्य को, इसके क्यों और कहाँ से को समझने का प्रयास किया तो सीधे परिणामों के कठिन अभाव में हर व्यक्ति ने इन प्रश्नों को अपने ढ़ंग से हल किया। यही कारण है कि विभिन्न धार्मिक मतों में हमको इतना अन्तर मिलता है, जो कभी-कभी वैमनस्य तथा झगड़े का रूप ले लेता है। न केवल पूर्व और पश्चिम के दर्शनों में मतभेद है, बल्कि प्रत्येक गोलार्ध के अपने विभिन्न मतों में आपस में अन्तर है। पूर्व के धर्मों में, इस्लाम तथा हिन्दू धर्म में ज़रा भी अनुरूपता नहीं है। भारत में ही बौद्ध तथा जैन धर्म उस ब्राह्मणवाद से बहुत अलग है, जिसमें स्वयं आर्यसमाज व सनातन धर्म जैसे विरोधी मत पाये जाते हैं। पुराने समय का एक स्वतन्त्र विचारक चार्वाक है। उसने ईश्वर को पुराने समय में ही चुनौती दी थी। हर व्यक्ति अपने को सही मानता है। दुर्भाग्य की बात है कि बजाय पुराने विचारकों के अनुभवों तथा विचारों को भविष्य में अज्ञानता के विरुद्ध लड़ाई का आधार बनाने के हम आलसियों की तरह, जो हम सिद्ध हो चुके हैं, उनके कथन में अविचल एवं संशयहीन विश्वास की चीख पुकार करते रहते हैं और इस प्रकार मानवता के विकास को जड़ बनाने के दोषी हैं।

सिर्फ विश्वास और अन्ध विश्वास ख़तरनाक है। यह मस्तिष्क को मूढ़ और मनुष्य को प्रतिक्रियावादी बना देता है। जो मनुष्य अपने को यथार्थवादी होने का दावा करता है, उसे समस्त प्राचीन रूढ़िगत विश्वासों को चुनौती देनी होगी। प्रचलित मतों को तर्क की कसौटी पर कसना होगा। यदि वे तर्क का प्रहार न सह सके, तो टुकड़े-टुकड़े होकर गिर पड़ेगा। तब नये दर्शन की स्थापना के लिये उनको पूरा धराशायी करकेे जगह साफ करना और पुराने विश्वासों की कुछ बातों का प्रयोग करके पुनर्निमाण करना। मैं प्राचीन विश्वासांे के ठोसपन पर प्रश्न करने के सम्बन्ध में आश्वस्त हूँ। मुझे पूरा विश्वास है कि एक चेतन परम आत्मा का, जो प्रकृति की गति का दिग्दर्शन एवं संचालन करता है, कोई अस्तित्व नहीं है। हम प्रकृति में विश्वास करते हैं और समस्त प्रगतिशील आन्दोलन का ध्येय मनुष्य द्वारा अपनी सेवा के लिये प्रकृति पर विजय प्राप्त करना मानते हैं। इसको दिशा देने के पीछे कोई चेतन शक्ति नहीं है। यही हमारा दर्शन है। हम आस्तिकों से कुछ प्रश्न करना चाहते हैं।

यदि आपका विश्वास है कि एक सर्वशक्तिमान, सर्वव्यापक और सर्वज्ञानी ईश्वर है, जिसने विश्व की रचना की, तो कृपा करके मुझे यह बतायें कि उसने यह रचना क्यों की? कष्टों और संतापों से पूर्ण दुनिया – असंख्य दुखों के शाश्वत अनन्त गठबन्धनों से ग्रसित! एक भी व्यक्ति तो पूरी तरह संतृष्ट नही है। कृपया यह न कहें कि यही उसका नियम है। यदि वह किसी नियम से बँधा है तो वह सर्वशक्तिमान नहीं है। वह भी हमारी ही तरह नियमों का दास है। कृपा करके यह भी न कहें कि यह उसका मनोरंजन है। नीरो ने बस एक रोम जलाया था। उसने बहुत थोड़ी संख्या में लोगांें की हत्या की थी। उसने तो बहुत थोड़ा दुख पैदा किया, अपने पूर्ण मनोरंजन के लिये। और उसका इतिहास में क्या स्थान है? उसे इतिहासकार किस नाम से बुलाते हैं? सभी विषैले विशेषण उस पर बरसाये जाते हैं। पन्ने उसकी निन्दा के वाक्यों से काले पुते हैं, भत्र्सना करते हैं – नीरो एक हृदयहीन, निर्दयी, दुष्ट। एक चंगेज खाँ ने अपने आनन्द के लिये कुछ हजार जानें ले लीं और आज हम उसके नाम से घृणा करते हैं। तब किस प्रकार तुम अपने ईश्वर को न्यायोचित ठहराते हो? उस शाश्वत नीरो को, जो हर दिन, हर घण्टे ओर हर मिनट असंख्य दुख देता रहा, और अभी भी दे रहा है। फिर तुम कैसे उसके दुष्कर्मों का पक्ष लेने की सोचते हो, जो चंगेज खाँ से प्रत्येक क्षण अधिक है? क्या यह सब बाद में इन निर्दोष कष्ट सहने वालों को पुरस्कार और गलती करने वालों को दण्ड देने के लिये हो रहा है? ठीक है, ठीक है। तुम कब तक उस व्यक्ति को उचित ठहराते रहोगे, जो हमारे शरीर पर घाव करने का साहस इसलिये करता है कि बाद में मुलायम और आरामदायक मलहम लगायेगा? ग्लैडिएटर संस्था के व्यवस्थापक कहाँ तक उचित करते थे कि एक भूखे ख़ूंख़्वार शेर के सामने मनुष्य को फेंक दो कि, यदि वह उससे जान बचा लेता है, तो उसकी खूब देखभाल की जायेगी? इसलिये मैं पूछता हूँ कि उस चेतन परम आत्मा ने इस विश्व और उसमें मनुष्यों की रचना क्यों की? आनन्द लूटने के लिये? तब उसमें और नीरो में क्या फर्क है?

तुम मुसलमानो और ईसाइयो! तुम तो पूर्वजन्म में विश्वास नहीं करते। तुम तो हिन्दुओं की तरह यह तर्क पेश नहीं कर सकते कि प्रत्यक्षतः निर्दोष व्यक्तियों के कष्ट उनके पूर्वजन्मों के कर्मों का फल है। मैं तुमसे पूछता हूँ कि उस सर्वशक्तिशाली ने शब्द द्वारा विश्व के उत्पत्ति के लिये छः दिन तक क्यों परिश्रम किया? और प्रत्येक दिन वह क्यों कहता है कि सब ठीक है? बुलाओ उसे आज। उसे पिछला इतिहास दिखाओ। उसे आज की परिस्थितियों का अध्ययन करने दो। हम देखेंगे कि क्या वह कहने का साहस करता है कि सब ठीक है। कारावास की काल-कोठरियों से लेकर झोपड़ियों की बस्तियों तक भूख से तड़पते लाखों इन्सानों से लेकर उन शोषित मज़दूरों से लेकर जो पूँजीवादी पिशाच द्वारा खून चूसने की क्रिया को धैर्यपूर्वक निरुत्साह से देख रहे हैं तथा उस मानवशक्ति की बर्बादी देख रहे हैं, जिसे देखकर कोई भी व्यक्ति, जिसे तनिक भी सहज ज्ञान है, भय से सिहर उठेगा, और अधिक उत्पादन को ज़रूरतमन्द लोगों में बाँटने के बजाय समुद्र में फेंक देना बेहतर समझने से लेकर राजाआंे के उन महलों तक जिनकी नींव मानव की हड्डियों पर पड़ी है- उसको यह सब देखने दो और फिर कहे – सब कुछ ठीक है! क्यों और कहाँ से? यही मेरा प्रश्न है। तुम चुप हो। ठीक है, तो मैं आगे चलता हूँ।

और तुम हिन्दुओ, तुम कहते हो कि आज जो कष्ट भोग रहे हैं, ये पूर्वजन्म के पापी हैं और आज के उत्पीड़क पिछले जन्मों में साधु पुरुष थे, अतः वे सत्ता का आनन्द लूट रहे हैं। मुझे यह मानना पड़ता है कि आपके पूर्वज बहुत चालाक व्यक्ति थे। उन्होंने ऐसे सिद्धान्त गढ़े, जिनमें तर्क और अविश्वास के सभी प्रयासों को विफल करने की काफ़ी ताकत है। न्यायशास्त्र के अनुसार दण्ड को अपराधी पर पड़ने वाले असर के आधार पर केवल तीन कारणों से उचित ठहराया जा सकता है। वे हैं – प्रतिकार, भय तथा सुधार। आज सभी प्रगतिशील विचारकों द्वारा प्रतिकार के सिद्धान्त की निन्दा की जाती है। भयभीत करने के सिद्धान्त का भी अन्त वहीं है। सुधार करने का सिद्धान्त ही केवल आवश्यक है और मानवता की प्रगति के लिये अनिवार्य है। इसका ध्येय अपराधी को योग्य और शान्तिप्रिय नागरिक के रूप में समाज को लौटाना है। किन्तु यदि हम मनुष्यों को अपराधी मान भी लें, तो ईश्वर द्वारा उन्हें दिये गये दण्ड की क्या प्रकृति है? तुम कहते हो वह उन्हें गाय, बिल्ली, पेड़, जड़ी-बूटी या जानवर बनाकर पैदा करता है। तुम ऐसे 84 लाख दण्डों को गिनाते हो। मैं पूछता हूँ कि मनुष्य पर इनका सुधारक के रूप में क्या असर है? तुम ऐसे कितने व्यक्तियों से मिले हो, जो यह कहते हैं कि वे किसी पाप के कारण पूर्वजन्म में गधा के रूप में पैदा हुए थे? एक भी नहीं? अपने पुराणों से उदाहरण न दो। मेरे पास तुम्हारी पौराणिक कथाओं के लिए कोई स्थान नहीं है। और फिर क्या तुम्हें पता है कि दुनिया में सबसे बड़ा पाप गरीब होना है। गरीबी एक अभिशाप है। यह एक दण्ड है। मैं पूछता हूँ कि दण्ड प्रक्रिया की कहाँ तक प्रशंसा करें, जो अनिवार्यतः मनुष्य को और अधिक अपराध करने को बाध्य करे? क्या तुम्हारे ईश्वर ने यह नहीं सोचा था या उसको भी ये सारी बातें मानवता द्वारा अकथनीय कष्टों के झेलने की कीमत पर अनुभव से सीखनी थीं? तुम क्या सोचते हो, किसी गरीब या अनपढ़ परिवार, जैसे एक चमार या मेहतर के यहाँ पैदा होने पर इन्सान का क्या भाग्य होगा? चूँकि वह गरीब है, इसलिये पढ़ाई नहीं कर सकता। वह अपने साथियों से तिरस्कृत एवं परित्यक्त रहता है, जो ऊँची जाति में पैदा होने के कारण अपने को ऊँचा समझते हैं। उसका अज्ञान, उसकी गरीबी तथा उससे किया गया व्यवहार उसके हृदय को समाज के प्रति निष्ठुर बना देते हैं। यदि वह कोई पाप करता है तो उसका फल कौन भोेगेगा? ईष्वर, वह स्वयं या समाज के मनीषी? और उन लोगों के दण्ड के बारे में क्या होगा, जिन्हें दम्भी ब्राह्मणों ने जानबूझ कर अज्ञानी बनाये रखा तथा जिनको तुम्हारी ज्ञान की पवित्र पुस्तकों – वेदों के कुछ वाक्य सुन लेने के कारण कान में पिघले सीसे की धारा सहन करने की सजा भुगतनी पड़ती थी? यदि वे कोई अपराध करते हैं, तो उसके लिये कौन ज़िम्मेदार होगा? और उनका प्रहार कौन सहेगा? मेरे प्रिय दोस्तों! ये सिद्धान्त विशेषाधिकार युक्त लोगों के आविष्कार हैं। ये अपनी हथियाई हुई शक्ति, पूँजी तथा उच्चता को इन सिद्धान्तों के आधार पर सही ठहराते हैं। अपटान सिंक्लेयर ने लिखा था कि मनुष्य को बस अमरत्व में विश्वास दिला दो और उसके बाद उसकी सारी सम्पत्ति लूट लो। वह बगैर बड़बड़ाये इस कार्य में तुम्हारी सहायता करेगा। धर्म के उपदेशकों तथा सत्ता के स्वामियों के गठबन्धन से ही जेल, फाँसी, कोड़े और ये सिद्धान्त उपजते हैं।

मैं पूछता हूँ तुम्हारा सर्वशक्तिशाली ईश्वर हर व्यक्ति को क्यों नहीं उस समय रोकता है जब वह कोई पाप या अपराध कर रहा होता है? यह तो वह बहुत आसानी से कर सकता है। उसने क्यों नहीं लड़ाकू राजाओं की लड़ने की उग्रता को समाप्त किया और इस प्रकार विश्वयुद्ध द्वारा मानवता पर पड़ने वाली विपत्तियों से उसे बचाया? उसने अंग्रेजों के मस्तिष्क में भारत को मुक्त कर देने की भावना क्यों नहीं पैदा की? वह क्यों नहीं पूँजीपतियों के हृदय में यह परोपकारी उत्साह भर देता कि वे उत्पादन के साधनों पर अपना व्यक्तिगत सम्पत्ति का अधिकार त्याग दें और इस प्रकार केवल सम्पूर्ण श्रमिक समुदाय, वरन समस्त मानव समाज को पूँजीवादी बेड़ियों से मुक्त करें? आप समाजवाद की व्यावहारिकता पर तर्क करना चाहते हैं। मैं इसे आपके सर्वशक्तिमान पर छोड़ देता हूँ कि वह लागू करे। जहाँ तक सामान्य भलाई की बात है, लोग समाजवाद के गुणों को मानते हैं। वे इसके व्यावहारिक न होने का बहाना लेकर इसका विरोध करते हैं। परमात्मा को आने दो और वह चीज को सही तरीके से कर दे। अंग्रेजों की हुकूमत यहाँ इसलिये नहीं है कि ईश्वर चाहता है बल्कि इसलिये कि उनके पास ताकत है और हममें उनका विरोध करने की हिम्मत नहीं। वे हमको अपने प्रभुत्व में ईश्वर की मदद से नहीं रखे हैं, बल्कि बन्दूकों, राइफलों, बम और गोलियों, पुलिस और सेना के सहारे। यह हमारी उदासीनता है कि वे समाज के विरुद्ध सबसे निन्दनीय अपराध – एक राष्ट्र का दूसरे राष्ट्र द्वारा अत्याचार पूर्ण शोषण – सफलतापूर्वक कर रहे हैं। कहाँ है ईश्वर? क्या वह मनुष्य जाति के इन कष्टों का मज़ा ले रहा है? एक नीरो, एक चंगेज, उसका नाश हो!

क्या तुम मुझसे पूछते हो कि मैं इस विश्व की उत्पत्ति तथा मानव की उत्पत्ति की व्याख्या कैसे करता हूँ? ठीक है, मैं तुम्हें बताता हूँ। चाल्र्स डारविन ने इस विषय पर कुछ प्रकाश डालने की कोशिश की है। उसे पढ़ो। यह एक प्रकृति की घटना है। विभिन्न पदार्थों के, नीहारिका के आकार में, आकस्मिक मिश्रण से पृथ्वी बनी। कब? इतिहास देखो। इसी प्रकार की घटना से जन्तु पैदा हुए और एक लम्बे दौर में मानव। डार्विन की ‘जीव की उत्पत्ति’ पढ़ो। और तदुपरान्त सारा विकास मनुष्य द्वारा प्रकृति के लगातार विरोध और उस पर विजय प्राप्त करने की चेष्टा से हुआ। यह इस घटना की सम्भवतः सबसे सूक्ष्म व्याख्या है।

तुम्हारा दूसरा तर्क यह हो सकता है कि क्यों एक बच्चा अन्धा या लंगड़ा पैदा होता है? क्या यह उसके पूर्वजन्म में किये गये कार्यों का फल नहीं है? जीवविज्ञान वेत्ताओं ने इस समस्या का वैज्ञानिक समाधान निकाल लिया है। अवश्य ही तुम एक और बचकाना प्रश्न पूछ सकते हो। यदि ईश्वर नहीं है, तो लोग उसमें विश्वास क्यों करने लगे? मेरा उत्तर सूक्ष्म तथा स्पष्ट है। जिस प्रकार वे प्रेतों तथा दुष्ट आत्माओं में विश्वास करने लगे। अन्तर केवल इतना है कि ईश्वर में विश्वास विश्वव्यापी है और दर्शन अत्यन्त विकसित। इसकी उत्पत्ति का श्रेय उन शोषकों की प्रतिभा को है, जो परमात्मा के अस्तित्व का उपदेश देकर लोगों को अपने प्रभुत्व में रखना चाहते थे तथा उनसे अपनी विशिष्ट स्थिति का अधिकार एवं अनुमोदन चाहते थे। सभी धर्म, समप्रदाय, पन्थ और ऐसी अन्य संस्थाएँ अन्त में निर्दयी और शोषक संस्थाओं, व्यक्तियों तथा वर्गों की समर्थक हो जाती हैं। राजा के विरुद्ध हर विद्रोह हर धर्म में सदैव ही पाप रहा है।

मनुष्य की सीमाओं को पहचानने पर, उसकी दुर्बलता व दोष को समझने के बाद परीक्षा की घड़ियों में मनुष्य को बहादुरी से सामना करने के लिये उत्साहित करने, सभी ख़तरों को पुरुषत्व के साथ झेलने तथा सम्पन्नता एवं ऐश्वर्य में उसके विस्फोट को बाँधने के लिये ईश्वर के काल्पनिक अस्तित्व की रचना हुई। अपने व्यक्तिगत नियमों तथा अभिभावकीय उदारता से पूर्ण ईश्वर की बढ़ा-चढ़ा कर कल्पना एवं चित्रण किया गया। जब उसकी उग्रता तथा व्यक्तिगत नियमों की चर्चा होती है, तो उसका उपयोग एक भय दिखाने वाले के रूप में किया जाता है। ताकि कोई मनुष्य समाज के लिये ख़तरा न बन जाये। जब उसके अभिभावक गुणों की व्याख्या होती ह,ै तो उसका उपयोग एक पिता, माता, भाई, बहन, दोस्त तथा सहायक की तरह किया जाता है। जब मनुष्य अपने सभी दोस्तों द्वारा विश्वासघात तथा त्याग देने से अत्यन्त क्लेष में हो, तब उसे इस विचार से सान्त्वना मिल सकती हे कि एक सदा सच्चा दोस्त उसकी सहायता करने को है, उसको सहारा देगा तथा वह सर्वशक्तिमान है और कुछ भी कर सकता है। वास्तव में आदिम काल में यह समाज के लिये उपयोगी था। पीड़ा में पड़े मनुष्य के लिये ईश्वर की कल्पना उपयोगी होती है। समाज को इस विश्वास के विरुद्ध लड़ना होगा। मनुष्य जब अपने पैरों पर खड़ा होने का प्रयास करता है तथा यथार्थवादी बन जाता है, तब उसे श्रद्धा को एक ओर फेंक देना चाहिए और उन सभी कष्टों, परेशानियों का पुरुषत्व के साथ सामना करना चाहिए, जिनमें परिस्थितियाँ उसे पटक सकती हैं। यही आज मेरी स्थिति है। यह मेरा अहंकार नहीं है, मेरे दोस्त! यह मेरे सोचने का तरीका है, जिसने मुझे नास्तिक बनाया है। ईश्वर में विश्वास और रोज़-ब-रोज़ की प्रार्थना को मैं मनुष्य के लिये सबसे स्वार्थी और गिरा हुआ काम मानता हूँ। मैंने उन नास्तिकों के बारे में पढ़ा हे, जिन्होंने सभी विपदाओं का बहादुरी से सामना किया। अतः मैं भी एक पुरुष की भाँति फाँसी के फन्दे की अन्तिम घड़ी तक सिर ऊँचा किये खड़ा रहना चाहता हूँ।

हमें देखना है कि मैं कैसे निभा पाता हूँ। मेरे एक दोस्त ने मुझे प्रार्थना करने को कहा। जब मैंने उसे नास्तिक होने की बात बतायी तो उसने कहा, ‘’अपने अन्तिम दिनों में तुम विश्वास करने लगोगे।’’ मैंने कहा, ‘’नहीं, प्यारे दोस्त, ऐसा नहीं होगा। मैं इसे अपने लिये अपमानजनक तथा भ्रष्ट होने की बात समझाता हूँ। स्वार्थी कारणों से मैं प्रार्थना नहीं करूँगा।’’ पाठकों और दोस्तों, क्या यह अहंकार है? अगर है तो मैं स्वीकार करता हूँ।

A FACT FINDING REPORT on AMOUSI CARNAGE in KHAGARIA DISTRICT

by Jaya Mehta, Vineet Tiwari and Sunita Kumari
The first reaction of anyone who is from Bihar or who knows Bihar well, was like, “No. Mushars can’t do it.” The issue was holding 14Mushars responsible for Amousi carnage by sessions court of Khagaria. The court ordered death sentence to ten and life imprisonment to four Mushars from Amousi village. Seeing the news in newspaper, we were puzzled that the judgment came so fast and 10 Mushars were sentenced to death. We talked to various people in Patna and Khagaria over the telephone. We were told by CPI comrades that those accused and convicted in the case were innocent and seven of them were members of CPI. The case required further investigation. We then decided to go there ourselves and see the land and the people.

Judgment on Amousi Massacre
In a judgment delivered by sessions court of Khagaria, ten people were sentenced to death and four were given life imprisonment. They were held responsible by the court for the massacre which took place in Amousi village of Khagaria district in Bihar. Sixteen people were killed in the night of 1 October 2009 at around 11 pm in Amousi. All of them were from Kurmi community except for two who were Kushwaha. Eight of them were young boys in their teens.
On the basis of FIR lodged at Morkahi police station, the police arrested 30 or more people from Amousi village. A trial took place in sessions court of Khagaria on the 28 persons accused in the case. Twenty six of them belonged to Mushar community and the remaining two were Dhanuks. The judgment was delivered on 14 Feb 2012, in which 14 persons have been acquitted and 14 have been given punishment. An appeal has been filed in Patna high court.
Two more persons accused in the case are awaiting trial in Khagaria jail.
Investigating Team and the Scope of Enquiry
Jaya Mehta, Vineet Tiwari and Sunita Kumari went to Khagaria town and from there to Amousi village on 1st and 2nd April 2012. The purpose of the visit was to make a preliminary enquiry to ascertain if there existed sufficiently many factual details to indicate that those accused were indeed innocent and had been falsely implicated in the case.
  1. We talked to the local party comrades of CPI and a reporter of ‘Hindustan’ who is stationed in Khagaria and who covered the case.
  2. We interrogated the two under-trials in Khagaria Jail.
  3. We talked to the relatives of those convicted in the case and other residents of Amousi village.
  4. We read carefully the judgment delivered by sessions court, the PUCL enquiry report (enquiry conducted on 11th October 2009), the relevant news coverage and some papers related to land conflict in Amousi.
We were assisted in our investigation by Comrade Puneet Mukhia, (Anchal Mantri of Alouli Block, CPI), Advocate Chandra Kishore Yadav (assistant to Adv Durgesh Pandit Singh – one of the defense lawyer in the sessions court), Comrade PP Singh (Khagaria District Secretary, CPI), Manoj Sada (Branch Secretary, Amousi, CPI), Bharosi Sada and some other villagers. Veteran public figures Comrade Satyanarayan Singh (Ex MLA, CPI) and Comrade P. S. Singh (Ex District Secretary of Khagaria, CPI) facilitated our trip. They also provided an overview of case and the background details.
A Background of Khagaria District
Khagaria district was carved out of Munger district in 1981. The entire district is criss-crossed by number of rivers and a large part of it constitutes an extremely difficult terrain. The region gets flooded during monsoons. Further, the topography of the region changes frequently because the rivers change their course. As a result cultivable land gets submerged in water at one place and land emerges afresh at another.
Historians have recorded that when Raja Todarmal, the revenue expert under Akbar reached this area for measurement of land, he could not measure the land because of river streams and thick Khagaria grass that grew in the area. He abandoned the exercise separating the area from others and named this area as Farakiya land i.e. separate or different land. The area remained un-surveyed during the British period also. As a result, a number of Zamindars belonging to other districts took possession of land in this region. No accounting has been possible of this illegally possessed land. When Zamindari was abolished and ceiling was imposed, many of them did not disclose their land situated in this district.
The non-resident Zamindars protected their unaccounted land and obtained income from it by employing local musclemen (popularly known as Bahubalis). This continues even today. The local population is mostly landless, cultivating land either as landless labour or as bataidar. Some were allotted land, which was given under Bhoodan or which was released under land ceiling act, but the allotment remained mostly on paper.
People do not obtain physical possession of land. Some others have taken possession of small holdings, which they have been cultivating for long but they do not have the legal papers for it. Even today, the land records available with district revenue administration present a great deal of disorder and a number of anomalies. Bandhyopadhyay commission reports that when the commission asked for proper records, they were told that original records must be with Munger district. On further probing they were told that most of the records have got drowned in the flood of 1987.
As the revenue administration, till date, is being run without proper land records, It is not surprising that there are a large number of land disputes spread over the area. There has been a recurrence of militant Maoist struggles also in certain parts of the district. Most of the grievances arise out of inability of people to take physical possession of land that has been allotted to them on paper. Bandhyopadhyay commission also heard many complaints from Bataidars. Bataidars, even when cultivating their land for a long time, get arbitrarily thrown out by the non-resident Zamindars and their Bahubalis.
The state government or local administration have taken no action till date to get rid of this unjust and illegal control of land by erstwhile Zamindars.
Land Conflict in Amousi
Amousi village is a hundred year old village situated in Alouli Block in Khagaria district. Alouli Block has a higher proportion of scheduled caste population compared to the rest of Khagaraia District. According to the 2011 census, the proportion of scheduled caste population in Khagaria is 10 percent, while in Alouli Block it is more than 25 percent. Most of these SCs are Mushars. Mushars are mainly landless agricultural labourers living in remote areas. Especially in Bihar, 95.3 per cent Mushar workers are agricultural labourers. Only 2.5 per cent are cultivators and 2.1 per cent are in other services.[1]
Amousi village (mouza) is comprised of around 100 Mushar households. Some may be Dhanuk (lower rung of OBC) households also. There is only a cluster of huts in this village. People live in extreme poverty. There is no pucca construction, no road and no market in the village. It is situated in diara[2]  land and is not easily accessible. One has to cross three streams of Kamla (Bagmati) river in boat and a sea of cement like Baluwai (fine and sandy) soil to reach the place.
The Kurmis who were killed in Amousi Bahiyar[3] on 1st October 2009 were not the residents of Amousi village. They belonged to village Icharwa, which is situated on the other side of three streams of Kamla river. The distance between the two villages is three kilometres or more. Icharwa is a relatively big village with a population of 5000. Situated by the roadside the village is dominated by Kurmis (the upper OBCs).
In the 1960s, the Government of Bihar took up river embankment programme in a big way. A dam was constructed over river Bagmati and the river changed its course. This led to the emergence of a big chunk of cultivable land (around 400 acres) in Amousi Bahiyar. The Zamindars of Samastipur, Munger and Begusarai claimed their right over this land. According to Bihar Government, the land was Gair Mazarua[4] government land. There is a reference to a court case — Lakhmeshwar Prasad vs. state of Bihar for 170 Beegha of land, which was settled in favour of the State of Bihar by Patna high court in 1998. There is also a reference to land owner Ram Bahadur Sigh and his contractor Kamla Sahay for 366 Beegha of land in Amousi Baharia. It is noted that Ram Bahadur Singh or Kamla Sahay never personally cultivated the land, neither did they file any returns for it. Eventually, the land in question was merged with government land.
This kind of boat is used to cross the streams with jeep
The legal dispute over ownership of land in Amousi Bahiyar has apparently been settled in favour of the Government of Bihar.
The de-facto control over this land was, however, with the Kurmis of Icharwa village. The details of how they took possession of this land are not clear but such a practice is not un-common in diara land. There are many villages in diara, where land is owned (or possessed) by families residing across the river. It is said that some Kurmi families made the agreements with the Zamindars when the case was sub-judice. They paid some amount to the Zamindar to get the permission to cultivate a particular piece of land. The term of the negotiation was that if the Zamindar won the case; he would sell the land fulfilling the legal requirements (It is called Kewala). It is also possible that some of the families just occupied the land because it was not guarded by any one. In either case, it is not likely that the Kurmis in Icharwa village cultivating the land in Amousi Bahiyar have proper legal titles for the land that they possess. There are big land holders among Icharwa Kurmis like Vashishth Narayan Singh possessing 30 Beegha of land. He is the JDU president for Alouli block. There are also small farmers possessing 1 or 2 Beegha of land. Many of the Kurmis are also cultivating land as share croppers.
As the river changed its course, the fertile land emerged
On the other hand the Mushars in Amousi and other neighbouring villages worked as agricultural labourers in the fields. After the land was legally settled as government land in 1998, Mushars made claims that the land be settled in their favour-1 acre per family. As many as 81 families had papers showing that the land was allotted to them under Bhoodan. Bharosi Sada (CPI member) and 80 others made application for settlement of Bhoodan land. The SDM issued orders for the settlement but the Circle Officer waylaid the case.
Residences of the convicted in Amousi
Some others did not wait for the administration to settle the case and started cultivating the land holdings, which they thought should be legally transferred to them. This was resented by the Kurmis. There are reports of small skirmishes between Mushars in Amousi and the Kurmis in Icharwa. There is a complaint filed by O.P. Mahto (CPI member) and others in 2005 that they were being threatened by the goons. They were asked to surrender their land, otherwise the consequences would be serious.
This conflict over land between Mushars and Kurmis provided the motive for killings. In addition the region has presence of militant Maoist groups, who would facilitate the carnage. The immediate reaction from every quarter was that Mushars were organised by Maoist to indulge in this brutal killings. However, things are more complex than this apparently straightforward story knitted so simply.
The Maoist denied having any hand in it. The government and police also did not repeat the involvement of Maoists. One fails to understand if no organised support base was available how did the poor Mushars obtain the guns for shooting and how could they muster the courage to indulge in such a heinous crime collectively? One hears of rivalry between two groups of Kurmis in Icharwa village. The basis of the division was political rivalry. One group associated itself with the existing MLA and younger brother of Ramvilas Paswan, Paras Paswan. Another group was with the Nitish Kumar. The two groups of Kurmis had some clashes between them because of the local elections. The Paswan group was unhappy with Nitish’s appeasement of Mahadalits. If it could be established that Mushars were responsible for brutal killings of Kurmis, it would embarrass Nitish. It would also give credence to the charge that Nitish was unable control Naxal violence in the area. At the same time if Mushars were implicated in gruesome killings, their legal battle for land claims would be quashed forever and illegal hold over land by the Kurmis would continue unchallenged. Those who were leading the legal battle for getting land settlement have been selectively convicted in the case. This insidious political plot cannot be ruled out in the semi feudal milieu of the remote areas of Khagariya.
Incident on 1st October 2009
Sixteen people were killed in the night of 1 October 2009 at around 11 pm in Amousi Bahiar. All these people were residents of Icharwa village. The farm land and basa (shelter for a person to guard his land and cattle) of these Icharwa villagers was in Amousi bahiar which is more than a kilometer away from the residential area. At the time of the tragedy the Icharwa villagers were sleeping at their basas.
The incident is reconstructed on the basis of account narrated by Paro Singh who claimed to be the eyewitness (!). There are two versions available to us. One, given in the PUCL report based on enquiry conducted on 11th October 2009 and the other recorded as evidence in the judgment delivered by session court on 14th Feb 2012.
PUCL Report
PUCL team visited Icharwa and Amousi villages on 11 October 2009. In Icharwa, they met, several members of the families of the deceased who had congregated by the wayside for Dashkarma i.e. getting their heads shaved. They also met Paro Singh there. According to PUCL team, Paro Singh was the only person who claimed to be an eyewitness of the incident. As narrated by the villagers and Paro Singh. The chronology of event is given below:

Some people forced a boatman of Icharwa to ferry them to Amousi Bahiar late in the evening. The boatman was later killed and no details could be traced. Presumably, after crossing the river, another group of armed persons joined them. From the river bank they followed nearly a straight line to reach the basas of Icharwa Kurmis. The miscreants picked up young men sleeping in their basas. All the picked up persons were allegedly tied up with ropes and they were huddled together in an open area on the dera of Chhotelal Singh. Here, they were shot by guns. Paro Singh said that he feigned death lying motionless with other corpses making the killers think that he was dead. The team did not find his version of hoodwinking the killers very convincing. There was no injury on his body. The killers dispersed after shooting. Paro singh managed to flee from there and reached village Icharwa to tell others about the carnage. The villagers informed the local Alauli police station. Icharwa village comes under the jurisdiction of Alauli police station. The police was reluctant to go to Amousi at that late hour of night. The villagers mustered courage and crossed the river in large number and brought back the dead bodies by five in the morning.

Among the persons killed while 14 were Kurmis, two were kushwahas. In the morning police inspector from Morkahi Police station arrived and Paro Singh lodged an FIR with him. (Amousi Bahiar falls under the jurisdiction of Morkahi Police Station). As many as 37 persons are accused in the FIR with names. Besides, 20 to 25 unidentified persons are also mentioned as part of the group of killers. The list is headed by Bodhan Sada and O.P. Mahto.
Evidence Recorded in the Judgment
The judgment records the eye witness account of five persons as evidence. All the witnesses are interested parties as their sons have been killed in the incident.
Paro Singh’s evidence in the court does not mention people arriving in the boat from other side of the river. There is no mention of any boatman. The evidence as recorded in the judgment only says that at 11’0’ clock he was at his basa with his son Chandan Singh. His son was sleeping while he was awake. He saw 40 to 50 people armed with rifles and guns coming from south west side. They were flashing torch. He describes how these armed people caught hold of 10 to12 people from their respective separate basas. After that 10 to 15 people came to his basa. Paro Singh tried to wake up his son but his son Chandan Singh did not wake up. Paro Singh hid himself in a nearby paddy field. The miscreants picked up his son and took every one to Chotelal Singh’s dera. They tied the hands of all the victims.
Paro Singh states that Bodhan Sada asked the victims why they had not vacated their deras when they had been ordered to do so. Paro Singh’s son replied that he would vacate his dera next day. But Bodhan Sada ordered that they all be shot dead and the group shot the victims with their guns. Paro Singh states that the miscreants wanted to make sure that the victims were actually dead and they flashed light on the victims. In this light Paro Singh identified 16 miscreants with names. After making sure that the victims were dead they fled towards north. Paro Singh also reports hearing two rounds of firing at Chhotelal Mahto’s dera.
Paro Singh stated that he then came to bank of the river where he met Chotelal Singh, Jaichand Singh, Anrudh Singh and Kamli Singh. These are four other eyewitnesses who narrated similar stories and identified the miscreants by names. Like Paro singh they are affected parties having lost their sons in the carnage
All five of them went to Icharwa village and narrated the incident to other villagers. Around 100 to 150 people crossed the river at night and went to Chhotelal Singh’s dera. They brought the dead bodies back to Icharwa chouk. In the morning Mukesh Kumar S.H.O. Morkahi came. Paro Singh lodged his FIR at 7.45 a.m. on 2 October 2009.
We also got the version of local party comrades, the family members of the accused and other villagers in Amousi. We were told the there was no eyewitness of the incident and no one knew who the miscreants were. They could only say that those charged with the crime were innocent. All those convicted in the case had alibi for the night of 1 October 2009. According to them no Mushar from Amousi village was involved in the crime.
The Judgment of the Sessions Court
The judgment delivered by the sessions court seems to rely entirely on the eye witness account given by Paro Singh and others. We do not have the entire case file and we are not trained to probe into such matters but there are points on which we feel clarification is required.
  1. Evidence of Paro Singh as recorded in the judgment raises at least three questions.
When he describes the miscreants picking up 12 persons from their separate deras, one needs to know if all the deras were visible from the place where he was stationed. And did it not give him enough time to wake up his son?
He refers to miscreants flashing torch light at the victims and says that he recognised the culprits in that light. But actually reverse is the case. If someone flashes torchlight in your direction, his or her own image becomes less distinct.
Paro Singh reports the conversation that took place between his son and Bodhan Sada at Chotelal Singh’s dera. But Paro Sigh was hiding at his own dera .Was this conversation loud enough for him to hear from the paddy field, where he was hiding.
2.      The judgment refers to postmortem reports, empty cartridges, blood stained clothes and other items put as exhibits. However, no mention is made of the guns and rifles which were used on that day? One would like to know what search was made for the guns and rifles.
3.      There is some discrepancy regarding Police inspector’s presence at Icharwa chowck on 2nd morning. There is also some use of whitener. This raises doubts about the genuineness of FIR lodged by Paro Singh on 2nd morning.
Appeal in High Court
An appeal is filed in High Court against the sessions court judgment. The lawyer Ajay Thakur has been retained as the defence lawyer by Mushar Seva Sangh. We consulted some friends in Delhi and we were advised that for a case dealing with 14 accused one lawyer is not sufficient. You need more than one lawyer in the case. When we met the wives of those pronounced guilty in the case they were ignorant of the appeal that is filed with High Court.
Women of Amousi village whose men are in jail
 Lakhubai, whose husband Harinarayan Sada and son Sanatan Sada are in jail

A recent development
After we came back from Amousi and were preparing this report, we got the information from Khagaria that on the evening of 17 April, 2012, one more resident of Icharwa was killed at  Amousi Bahiyar. This time the person who was accused for the killing was no other than the Paro Singh himself. The incident was narrated by advocate Chandrakishore Yadav whose residence is also near Amousi and Manoj Sada who lives in Siripur village which is hardly one km away from Amousi village.
Pandav Kumar, who was killed on 17 was the son of Dhana singh of Icharwa village.Dhana Singh lost his other son in the Amousi carnage of 2009. He was one of the witnesses in the sessions court trial.
On 17 April 2012, Paro Singh, Phoolchand Yadav (a resident of a nearby village Kashimpur), Ramashish Singh and Pandav Kumar (both from Icharwa) were seen going to a neighborhood village Saharwa, 1 km of Amousi where liquor is sold. Phoolchand Yadav is not a resident of the village but he has a basa where he keeps his cattle at Amousi Bahiyar.
Manoj Sada and his companion Sadarath Sada (Amousi) found all four of them coming back from Saharwa on the way to Amousi. They were drunk and they tried to obstruct the way of Manoj Sada. Manoj dodged and avoided any skirmish with them. Later, according to Advocate Chandrakishore Yadav, other villagers of Amousi also saw them passing through the village in drunken state. He also said that Paro Singh misbehaved with a woman of Amousi for which a policeman scolded upon him. (A team of some policemen has been stationed permanently in Amousi since the 2009 carnage). Many villagers witnessed them passing through the Amousi village. The time was around 6 or 7 pm.
Later, some villagers of Icharwa found that Phoolchand Yadav was running away with his cattle and they asked him that what happened. He was nervous and told the villagers that somebody murdered Pandav Kumar. Meanwhile, Paro Singh reached Icharwa village and said that Pandav Kumar was killed by Amousi Mahadalits. Villagers did not believe him as some of them heard the version of Phoolchand Yadav also. The villagers had seen all four of them going together. When Paro Singh realized that villagers are not ready to trust him, he absconded. But villagers did not allow Phoolchand Yadav to abscond till the police came in midnight. Police also arrested Ramashish Singh from the village.
The body of Pandav Kumar was found. He was strangled by gamchha cloth. The father of the deceased Pandav Kumar, Dhana Singh, filed an FIR accusing 5 people. These included the above mentioned three and Chhotelal Singh and Pappu Singh.
According to local people, some dispute came up between Dhana Singh and Paro Singh regarding their stand on 2009 case. It is assumed that Dhana Singh was asking Rs. 50,000 to continue his stand in high court. Paro Singh got agitated with his demand and when son of Dhana Singh, Pandav Kumar was with him and he was drunk, Paro Singh thought it would be easy to kill him and once again implicate the Mushars of Amousi in the case. But Phoolchand Yadav could not digest this and the conspiracy of falsely implicating Mushars in the murder case failed.
Paro Singh’s involvement in such a serious crime has to be investigated. It certainly puts a big question mark on the evidence given by him in the trial of 2009 carnage. His eye witness account is central to the judgment pronounced by the sessions court.

Post Scripts
Post Script 1: Judgment on Bathani Tola Massacre: Two judgments, Two parameters
In the recent judgment of Patna high court on Bathani Tola massacre, all the accused were acquitted. On 11 July 1996, Ranvir Sena killed 21 people in Bathani Tola in Bhojpur district of Bihar. 12 women and 8 children were murdered. The abdomen of a pregnant woman was slit open. A little infant’s tongue was cut off. Another baby’s fingers were severed from her hand. A girl in the prime of her youth was raped and before she was put to death, her breasts were chopped off. The victims belonged to poor muslim families, who had been displaced from Kharaon village.The conflict was regarding access to village common land for buriel and namaz. Ranvir Sena had forcibly occupied the Kabristan and Karbala land of Muslims in surrounding villages.When the muslim families protested, they were taught a lesson.
On 16 May 2010, the sessions court in Ara convicted 23 accused. Three were given death sentence and 20 were given life imprisonment. Patna high court on 16 July 2012 acquitted all the 23 convicts. According to the high court, the prosecution failed to prove the involvement of the accused in the crime beyond reasonable doubt.
Post Script 2: Those awaiting trial
We met two under trials in Khagaria jail, Gorelal Sada and Devendra Chowdhry.Their profiles once again point out that anyone, who defies the unjust land order in rural Bihar will be punished.
Gorelal Sada
Gorelal Sada (age 55 years) is a member of district Counsel of CPI Khagaria. He has a house and family in Shravita village in Ananthpur Panchayat. He has been cultivating 3 bighas of land as a sharecropper for last 30 years. The land belongs to a zamindar Kesar Babu from Sanhouli. For last 5 years he has stopped paying any rent for the land that he cultivates. The zamindar is angry because of his land is illegally taken possession of. According to Gorelal Sada, he has falsely been implicated in 2 other criminal cases because of the conflict over these 3 bighas of land. In Chikkani Tola village of Saharsa, where one cop was killed in an encounter in May 2009 between Maoists and SAP (Special Auxiliary Police). Gorelal Sada spent one year in jail and was released on 25 September 2009. The Amousi massacre took place on 1-2 October 2009 and once again he saw his name in the list of accused. When he found out that there was an arrest warrant in his name, he absconded and remained in hiding for 2 and ½ years. He was finally caught by the Police on 25 March 2012 from his house. His trial will begin on 19th April 2012 in Khagaria court.
Gorelal Sada has six sons and four daughters. Although he himself can barely sign his name but his sons are educated till class X. One of them has a grocery shop and others migrate to Punjab in search of employment. When we asked him if his family has visited him in the jail, he said, “No. They will get time to see me only after harvesting of rabi crop (Maize) is over.”
On the night of 1 October 2009, Gorelal sada was sleeping in the Party Office of Khagaria district. He was there because he was campaigning for Advocate Chandrakishore Yadav in PACS elections. He said that he did not know anybody in Icharwa village, and knew some people in Amousi village.

Devendra Chowdhry s/o Surendra Choudhry, Age 40 years
Devendra Choudhry lives in a village called Jheema in Amousi Anantpur Panchayat. He has five sons and 2 daughters. He belongs to Kewat or Mallah community. Amousi, the place of occurrence is about 1 kilometre away from his village Jheema but there is a stream in between.
His case is rather more surprising. He said that his father has land title for 5 bighas of land which he also cultivates along with four other brothers. He explained that there is 120 bighas of land in the village which has long been cultivated by villagers. The land is distributed like this that 40 bighas of land is given to Sada community people for cultivation and 80 bighas of land has been cultivated by Choudhry, i.e. Kewat-Malhar community. This arrangement was done by villagers themselves depending upon the population distribution. The land was under possession of Rai Bahadur of Munger in pre independence period. Devendra Choudhry said that some Neeraj Singh, who is a Bahubali of the area, claimed that he purchased 40 bighas of land. That became the conflict between Neeraj Singh and villagers. Devendra Choudhry said that he was falsely implicated in some case of extortion, kidnapping and attempt to murder, etc. The case was registered in Khairi village and it has been there for five years so he was absconding for many years. After that the October incident happened in Amousi and he saw his name in the Amousi carnage too as an accused, so he surrendered to Police on 16 November 2009. He was arrested in both the cases. His trial has yet not begun.
He said that he was in his house only on and around that time when carnage took place.
Post Script 3: The main accused among the convicts
The list of accused is headed by Bodhan Sada and O.P. Mahto. Death sentence is pronounced for Bodhan Sada and O. P. Mahto has been given life imprisonment.
Bodhan Sada
Bodhan Sada, aged 60 years, was earlier the area commander of a maoist group of the region. As reported by local people, when Bodhan was asked by Party to shift to Saharsa, he rebelled and was consequently expelled from the party. A new area commander was given charge. Yogi Mahto and Bodhan Sada naturally had tussles between them. Bodhan Sada is said to have considerable influence among Mushars of the area. His wife was the Mukhia (chief) of the village when the massacre took place. Since then, his wife has been killed and Yogi Mahto has been accused in her murder’s case. While in Jail, Bodhan Sada was put up by CPI (ML) as a candidate for 2010 assembly elections.
O.P. Mahto
At the time of massacre, O. P. Mahto (age 72 years) was the branch secretary of CPI. He was one of the prominent leaders in the Amousi Mushars’ legal battles to claim the Bhoodan land in the region. We were given a copy of the written complaint made by O. P. Mahto to the Distict Collector. In his complaint he has said that he was threatened for life by some Bahubalis of the area. They warned him that if he doesn’t give up his legal battle, he will face dire consequences.
*****

Jaya Mehta is a senior Economist. She is associated with the Joshi-Adhikari Institute of Social Studies.
Vineet Tiwari is a writer and activist. He is associated with Joshi-Adhikari Institute of Social Studies.
Sunita Kumari is an activist associated with JANAMFoundation.

[1] No_Border.pdf, Daanish Books.
[2] The land which emerges as the river changes its course.
[3] The farm land around the village is called Bahiyar in local dialect.
[4] Land, usually not under cultivation for long stretch of time. It could be private (khas) or common (aam).

The forgotten children of India: How long will the 6000 Jharkhandi Adivasis languish in jail?

Historically the adivasis (tribal) population has been on receiving end from the so-called ‘cultured’ population aided by the ruling class — be it the feudal lords, the English colonialist or now the democratic government.

They are the people who have been demonised, ridiculed and displaced with passing of each year. Today with the onslaught of development, these simple nature loving people are finding themselves amidst a virtual civil war being waged between the Indian Government and the Maoists – who have self-proclaimed themselves as the saviour of adivasis.

 Their own leaders have deserted them and have become close ally of the ruling class.

 Development has become destruction for the vast majority. They are the forgotten children of India.

 This article written by Stan Swamy analyses the lot of adivasis languishing in prison in Jharkhand; a province created after several decades of heroic resistance by them, where they today are in minority. Other Aspect has severe difference with the politics and stand of Stan Swamy. This article is being posted because of its information value and nowhere it endorses Stan’s stance on several issues.

Other Aspect

———————–

 How long will the 6000 Jharkhandi Adivasis languish in jail?

  • Most of the arrests are in violation of SC decisions
  •  “Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal … Supreme Court on 3rd February 2011 (CRIMINAL APPEAL NOs. 889 OF 2007)
  •  “Mere possession of Maoist literature does not make a person a Maoist” Supreme Court, while granting bail to Dr. Binayak Sen on 15th April 2011

 Context: in Jharkhand, during the past ten years, 550 young men & women were killed by the police & para-military forces as being Naxalites (Hindustan Times, Ranchi edition, 18.4. 2011.)

 There are now about 6000 Adivasis in jail (Ajay Sharma in Hindustan, 08.02.2012) . The charge against the majority of them is that “maoist literature” was found in their possession and that they are “helpers of Maoists”

1. Mere possession of Maoist literature is not an offence

Observing that mere possession of maoist literature would not be considered an offence of sedition, the Supreme Court granted bail to Dr.Binayak Sen.

The sad fact in Jharkhand is that in very many cases the police have arrested young men and women precisely because they had some “naxalite literature” in their possession. What exactly constitutes ‘naxalite literature’ has not been defined. The question is: Is any written material that is critical of the Government and its functioning forbidden in our democratic society? Is putting out pamphlets calling on people to resist displacement an offence? Is announcing rallies and public meetings to protest indiscriminate arrests of young people improper? Is calling on people to assert their rights on their jal, jangal, jamin not allowed?

In West Bengal the security forces carried dead body of a tribal girl in such ghastly manner

In West Bengal the security forces carried dead body of a tribal girl termed as "Maoist" in such ghastly manner

What the police usually do is arrest a person on the alleged reason of having naxal literature and then add on other clauses of the penal code on the hapless victim. Very sad to say, hundreds of young men and women are languishing in the different jails of Jharkhand under this accusation.

It is the urgent need of the hour that an independent commission is appointed to examine all the cases under this accusation and free them.

2. Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or creates public disorder by violence or incitement to violence. (3 February 2011)

The court rejected the doctrine of ‘guilt by association’. Mere membership of a banned organisation will not incriminate a person unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or does an act intended to create disorder or disturbance of public peace by resort to violence

It is common knowledge that very many young men & women are held in prison on the suspicion of being “helpers of naxalites”. After arresting them other penal clauses are added on. It is an easy label that can be put on any one whom the police want to catch. It does not require any proof or witness. Let us keep in mind that they are not even members of any naxalite outfit. Supreme Court says even membership in a banned organisation does not make a person a criminal. How far removed are the law and order forces from the judiciary!

Even if there is a modicum of humanity left in the govt and the police, these young men and women should be set free.

3. Supreme Court’s directives for arresting persons are ignored by police

The SC has issued very clear directives to the police in the process of arresting a person and has spelt out the rights of the arrestee / prisoner. In a judgment known as ‘D.K.Basu judgment’ passed on 8 March 2005, [D.K.Basu vs. State of West Bengal (1997) 1 SCC 216] the SC gives the following guidelines: In view of the increasing incidence of violence and torture in custody, the Supreme Court of India has laid down 11 specific requirements and procedures that the police and other agencies have to follow for the arrest, detention and interrogation of any person. These are: – Police arresting and interrogating suspects should wear “accurate, visible and clear” identification and name tags, and details of interrogating police officers should be recorded in a register. – A memo of arrest must be prepared at the time of arrest. This should: – have the time and date of arrest. – be attested byµ at least one witness who may either be a family member of the person arrested or a respectable person of the locality where the arrest was made.

– be counter-signed by the person arrested. – The person arrested, detained or being interrogated has a right to have a relative, friend or well-wisher informed as soon as practicable, of the arrest and the place of detention or custody. If the person to be informed has signed the arrest memo as a witness this is not required. – Where the friend or relative of the person arrested lives outside the district, the time and place of arrest and venue of custody must be notified by police within 8 to 12 hours after arrest. This should be done by a telegram through the District Legal Aid Authority and the concerned police station. – The person arrested should be told of the right to have someone informed of the arrest, as soon as the arrest or detention is made. – An entry must be made in the diary at the place of detention about the arrest, the name of the person informed and the name and particulars of the police officers in whose custody the person arrested is. – The person being arrested can request a physical examination at the time of arrest. Minor and major injuries if any should be recorded. The “Inspection Memo” should be signed by the person arrested as well as the arresting police officer. A copy of this memo must be given to the person arrested. – The person arrested must have a medical examination by a qualified doctor every 48 hours during detention. This should be done by a doctor who is on the panel, which must be constituted by the Director of Health Services of every State. – Copies of all documents including the arrest memo have to be sent to the Area Magistrate (laqa Magistrate) for his record. – The person arrested has a right to meet a lawyer during the interrogation, although not for the whole time. – There should be a police control room in every District and State headquarters where information regarding the arrest and the place of custody of the person arrested must be sent by the arresting officer. This must be done within 12 hours of the arrest. The control room should prominently display the information on a notice board. These requirements were issued to the Director General of Police and the Home Secretary of every State. They were obliged to circulate the requirements to every police station under their charge. Every police station in the country had to display these guidelines prominently. The  judgment also encouraged that the requirements be broadcast through radio and television and pamphlets in local languages be distributed to spread awareness. Failure to comply with these requirements would make the concerned official liable for departmental action. Not following these directions constitutes a contempt of the Supreme Court, which is a serious offence, punishable by Imprisonment and fine. This contempt of court petition can be filed in any High Court. These requirements are in addition to other rights and rules, such as: – The right to be informed at the time of arrest of the offence for which the person is being arrested. – The right to be presented before a magistrate within 24 hours of the arrest. – The right not to be ill-treated or tortured during arrest or in custody. – Confessions made in police custody cannot be used as evidence against the accused.

 -A boy under 15 years of age and women cannot be called to the police station only for questioning.

The important question is: under which law or penal code the police & para-military forces are arresting young men & women as part of their anti-naxal operations? It is very clear they are not abiding by the SC ruling. As such they should be sued for contempt of court.

4. ‘To get Bail is a right of the prisoner’. . .but who will bail them out?

Getting bail is not within the reach of most ‘under trial prisoners’. For one thing, the lower courts consistently refuse to grant bails even for the simplest of cases. That means the prisoner has to approach the High Court, and some times the Supreme Court to get bail. The second factor is the expense involved. An average expense at the level of the High Court is between ten to twenty thousand rupees. Now how many Adivasi families can afford this expense is a big question. In fact most of them are not even in a position to come to the jail and meet their dear ones. At the same time, the govt does not reach out to them by providing free legal aid. In short, the 6000 and more Adivasi under trial prisoners are just condemned to languish in jail for years to come. It is important to remember that of those who have been arrested under UAPA and CL-17 as part of Operation Green Hunt, there has not been even a single conviction. We can be sure that when the trial will take place, most of them will be acquitted. Regrettably there is no time limit within which the trial has to take place. Justice delayed is justice denied.

 To conclude, it is no use taking this issue to the govt because it is itself doing this injustice. The only other possibilities, in my opinion, are that we make this the agenda of the Jharkhandi People’s Movements and explore ways of making a legal case and access the judiciary at the High Court / Supreme Court level and demand that an independent committee of legal & human rights activists examine all the cases and place their findings in public domain. 

courtesy: http://newswing.com

Left out of the great Indian ‘Tamasha’

 

—-  Pratyush

The illiterate Indian population when it comes to making political choice are prone to prove the high and might intellectuals with their know all attitude and who view entire Indian polity through the prism of coalition politics, caste equations and regional diversities wrong not once but umpteen times. The same happened with the results of the recently concluded elections for 15th Lok Sabha (India’s lower house of parliament).

The ‘mainstream’ corporate media that till all the time was jeering towards a hung parliament with the Indian National Congress led UPA loosing seats while the rightist Bhartiya Janata Party led NDA gaining some, and on the whole predicting a hung parliament are now cheering for the almost absolute majority that the UPA got. They are touting this as a victory for the neo-liberal reforms seen as one taking India closer to the glamour of capitalist world. The bourgeoisie hireling media during the entire course of previous Lok Sabha were sulking on the lack of reforms due to Left’s obstruction. Even today when the world over people are seeing the after effects of the brazen free market reform the media truly subservient to their bourgeoisie masters are still harping for a free market reforms.

Parliamentary Left’s Bourgeoisie Politics

It is beyond doubt that the results have come as big surprise to the parliamentary Left (led by the revisionist CPI-M and the much older and largely redundant CPI). What is surprising is that this drubbing came at a time when the global capitalist order is going through its worst phase and world over there is a perceptible rise in Left wing politics.

From their all time high of 61 seats that they bagged in the general election in 2004 their tally has come to record low of 24. The Left’s 2004 electoral tally was a mere coincidence and not an outcome of any political struggle. Yet the Narcissist leadership of official left far removed from the ground reality concluded the result as something permanent and started dreaming of coming to power by cobbling together a potpourri of disparate power hungry politicians no better than their partners in the two ‘national’ alliance. This attempt of popping a Third Front proved to be a ‘Third Farce’ meeting the same fate like its previous two avatars in the mid nineties. The shameless electoral manoeuvre of co-opting with the reactionary bourgeoisie leaders like Mayawati (BSP) Jayalaitha (AIADMK) and providing secular credential to Naveen Patnaik (BJD of Orissa) who till few months ago was happily cohabitating with BJP and other Hindutva groups further alienated the masses from the hypocritical polity of the Left. This entire exercise to form the Third front since beginning was nothing but an insane anti-Congress and anti-BJP rhetoric, having no agenda to further the cause of working class or peasantry.

In the left stronghold states of Kerala, west Bengal and Tripura, barring Tripura Left have lost in both Kerala and West Bengal. In other parts of country the Left has been perceptibly weak and has done nothing to remove its historical weakness, the mandarins of CPI and CPM have magical solution for the entire ills of the world they have till date not been able to solve the class-caste dichotomy of the large tracts of Indian heartland. Though the area has witnessed several people’s movement but there has hardly been any leading role taken up by the two parliamentary ‘communist’ parties[1]. On the other hand they have been seen leaving the working class and peasantry in lurch as happened in Gurgaon where the CPI’s trade union wing left the workers in the hands of goons hired by the management of Japanese multinational Honda and the state police, while the national union Leadership eloped — lock stock and barrel.

Both the ‘communist’ parties today have degenerated into another bourgeoisie vote catching outfit and have lost their historic role of being an advance guard of proletariats and its allies the peasantry. CPI and CPM are looked by the average people as another political party and same has been the case with the urban and rural proletariats also. The leadership of the party have also been doing nothing else but politics of winning parliamentary and assembly seats, aligning with this or that bourgeoisie political outfits.

The only sensible alliance that the Left parties entered into was in Bihar and to some extent in Jharkhand. In Bihar which has been a hot bed of revolutionary left politics CPI, CPI (M) and CPI (ML) Liberation formed a United Left Block (ULB). Though, by far more logical activity than that of Third Front; the ULB since start was not supposed to make any significant headway. Years of tailism has reduced, the CPI and CPI (M) to shadow parties of the RJD in Bihar while the Liberation by not joining hands with the RJD, was just able to maintain its separate identity in the political field. Though Liberation; has lost its major support base that it had gained during its armed struggle days. In fact party in its recently held congress openly admitted that liquidationist tendencies are gaining ground. The new generation of the party cadres are coming not from grassroots but from premiere universities like JNU are more inclined towards post-modernist ideology. They carry all sorts of anti-Marxist notion with themselves which at the end harming the movement and making it rudderless and directionless. More or less same is happening with party also. Liberation the latest entrant into the parliamentary club may also become the first major Trotskyite political formation having any significant though dwindling ground support.

Though Left parties have been decimated in both their stronghold of West Bengal and Kerala, the reason for the defeat are quite different.

Where as in Kerala the government is still popular and have not been seen openly chartering a neo liberalist path and the Chief Minister V S Ach is seen as an upright principled man. But the internal squabbling and factionalism has not only badly affected the functioning of the party, but also the central leadership chose to side with the corrupt and neo liberal-leaning faction of P. Vijayan. The pro-capital activities of this group, such as the SNS Lavlin scandal where Vijayan is an accused, acceptance of huge monetary contributions from S. Martin, the “lottery king” of Kerala and the blocking of the land requisition drive against the Tatas in Munnar, have only reinforced the pro-capital image of the party in the eyes of the people. Also CPI M’s hobnobbing with Islamic communal PDP did not augur well with the secular mass base of the party. During the seat sharing CPI M displeased some of its smaller allies like the CPI and Janata Dal (Secular) that also caused rupture in the hitherto monolithic Left Democratic Front. The ruckus over seat sharing and the way it was projected in the media made the front look like a replica of Congress led United Democratic Front, alienating a large chunk of the undecided neutral votes. The state of Left Front in Kerala would be dealt with in another article.

The CPI (M) in West Bengal: Leftist when in opposition Rightist when in power

The real debacle for the CPI(M) came in West Bengal, it got its worst drubbing in three decades with its own tally getting reduced to only nine. Bhuddhadev Bhattacharya’s Left front government in its eagerness to hug the capitalists nudged the peasant & proletariats, who in turn dumped him in the elections. The people have thoroughly rejected the conversion of CPI (M) from a social democratic party to that of agent of national and international finance capital.

If nationally the CPM and its allies have been resisting neo liberal reforms, yet the same CPI (M) and its other punitive partners had no qualms in implementing the same neo liberal reforms in West Bengal. Their CM Buddhadeb Bhattacharya had no issues in hugging Tata’s and Salem. Latter being involved in; execution of hundreds of communists in Indonesia.

In name of industrialisation the CPM government was happy to give away with hundreds of acres of fertile land perhaps best quality agrarian land of the country at throw away price to Tata. When the people protested they even did not blink an eye to shoot the poor peasants and rural proletariats their support base for decades and terming them as reactionaries.

The CPM boss Prakash Karat has been lecturing and writing long articles on the exploitation in SEZs across the country but same Karat has no qualm in declaring SEZs in Bengal as ‘progressive’. Isn’t it Indian version of Khrushchev?

Commenting on the capitulation of the CPI M leaders to the camp of neo liberalism Ashok Mitra the well known left analyst and Finance minister in the First Left Front government in W.B observed[2]:

The main poll issue in West Bengal was the state government’s policy of capitalist industrial growth; events in Singur and Nandigram were offshoots of that policy. Many sections, including staunch long-time supporters of the Left cause, had been shocked by the cynical nonchalance initially exhibited by the state government on police firing on women and children in Nandigram. A series of other faux pas was committed in its wake, including the messy affair of the Tata small car project. The electorate reached its conclusion on the government’s putting all its eggs in the Nano basket. Once the Tatas departed, the state administration was dubbed not only insensitive, but incompetent as well. Questions have continued to be raised one after another: was it really necessary to take over fertile land at Singur, why could not the Tatas be prevailed upon to choose an alternative site, why did not the state government apply adequate pressure on the United Progressive Alliance regime in New Delhi — which was assumed to depend upon Left support for survival — to pass the necessary legislation so that land belonging to closed factories could be taken over to locate new industries? And why the state government was reluctant to lobby earnestly in the national capital for adequate resources from centrally controlled public financial institutions to the state exchequer, which could have ensured industrial expansion in the public domain itself — whether this reluctance was merely due to lack of resources or because of a deeper ideological reason such as a loss of faith in socialistic precepts and practices.

A number of other unsavoury facts also need to be laid bare. A state government does not have too much of funds or other spoils to distribute. But in a milieu where feudal elements co-inhabit with the petit bourgeoisie, persons in a position to dispense only little favours can also attract fair-weather friends and gather sycophants around them. Concentric circles of favour-rendering develop fast. Merit necessarily takes a backseat in official decisions. Corruption, never mind how small-scale, creeps in. Nepotism, sprouting at the top, gradually infects descending rungs of administration, including the panchayats. Much of all this has taken place of late within the precincts of the Left regime. The net effect is a steep decline in the quality of governance. The fall in efficiency is illustrated by the inept handling of programmes like the rural employment guarantee scheme. To make things worse, all this has been accompanied by a kind of hauteur which goes ill with radical commitment.

Unfortunately some of the Trotskyite in India (for instance see the blog New Wave  new-wave-nw.blogspot.com[3]), in their all encompassing rage towards Stalinist principle and to ascribe everything wrong to Stalin, have been calling these and several such measures taken by the CPI(M) as ‘Stalinist policies’ and have termed CPI(M) a Stalinist party. Does the step taken up by the party in West Bengal constitute Stalinism or revisionism?

Would our learned friends—the firm defender of Bolshevism, care us to show from the collected works of Stalin or of people whom they call as Stalinists where they have endorsed such practice? If they can show this, only then they would have the right to indulge in such misleading phrase mongering.

The process of restoration of capitalism and undermining the philosophy of Marxism Leninism was initiated during the Khrushchev and Brezhnev era, when they had undertaken effort to undermine the gains from the Stalin period and move away from the Leninist principle– that is why they constitute revisionism.

The signs of impending disaster were very much evident. In the Panchayat elections held in 2008, CPI M and allies had got similar drubbing, but the valid point is why CPI M that boasts of cadre in every village was not able to gauge the impending debacle? This point has been summed up in following word by a CPM sympathiser

“But the whole point in case here is how come we were not aware about this very strong anti-incumbency wave blowing all over the place in the state. That leaves the whole organization high and dry, and clearly shows either our comrades have lost touch with the grass root, or people have deserted the party cadres in such a way that they even didn’t open up in front of our cadres about their anguish and anger. They preferred to show their wrath against the party through ballot, and this phenomenon, if true, is quite chilly. Whereas a communist party is supposed to be with the people like a fish in water [sic]. Probably if our party could have anticipated a rout in the elections, we would have been much happier today; at least it would have showed we haven’t lost touch with the reality.” (http://www.pragoti.org/node/3435#comment-2312 )

Three Decades of ‘communist’ rule in West Bengal

Here it would not be out of context to check the score card of the three decades of Left Front rule in West Bengal.

In 1977, CPI(M) came to power riding the anti congress wave, immediately on ascending to power the party declared that it would try to implement the socialist model despite the odds it faces in bourgeoisie democratic setup. It loudly had then proclaimed that its government would implement alternative path of economic development based on Marxist ideology. Bengal model was to be the show piece that CPI-M wanted to replicate nation wide. But these three decades of ‘communist’ rule excepting some limited land reforms that it achieved during the initial days of its power the next two decades has been a lost era for Bengal that has lead to the cul-de-sac of economic stagnation.

The land reform also is also not without its own problems. The reform has resulted in fragmented land holding that today has become largely uneconomical. Then here is the problem of agrarian landless workers and the share croppers or the Bhagidars

In West Bengal, the landless exceed the landowners by about one and half times in numbers [for every ten landowners there are fifteen landless]. For the rest of the country, the average distribution is roughly ten (landowner) to eight (landless). In states like Punjab, Haryana, Tamilnadu, Gujrat etc., where rapid industrialisation is taking place on agricultural land, the ratios are ten (landowners) to six, four or three (landless). Therefore, there is less hassle in acquiring agricultural land.[4]

CPI (M) all these years has colligated the struggle of landless agrarian labourer under the larger peasant struggle. In Bengal there is still no organisation on agrarian labourer associated with CPI (M), but they are part of the Kisan Sabha (Farmer’s Union). As a result today there is no voice of the landless when it comes to land acquisition. These rural proletariats have no say in any compensation that is disbursed when land is acquired for industrial use. It was these landless workers and Bagidars whose economic interest were hurt the most when land was acquired in Nandigram and Singur and they overwhelmingly this time opposed the CPI M’s brand of ‘socialism’ for Mamata’s brand of ‘democracy’

CPI (M)’s obsession with the Land reforms and Panchayat has led to complete neglect of other vital social sector like education, health, public transport and even minority welfare.

A distinctive characteristic of every government professing the principle of socialism has been eradication of illiteracy and promoting health care programme. Even in backward country like Albania under the rule of Enver Hoxha, the state had initiated several measures to alleviate literacy level and enhance health care. Illiteracy from 90-95% in rural areas in 1939 went down to 30% by 1950 and by 1985 it was equal to that of the United States of America. In health care Malaria was completely eradicated.

To promote literacy and health care the state government does not have to be dependent on the Central government, hence the favourite nag line of the ‘communist’ government of step-motherly treatment from the Central government.

Health

According to West Bengal government’s own Human Development  Report, married women in West Bengal, on average, have a lower body-mass index than the average Indian woman, suggesting greater undernourishment. Married women in West Bengal also have a greater likelihood of suffering from anemia than the average Indian woman. This data is from the. The Governemnt has failed to utilise funds earmarked for helath sector, the Comptroller & Auditor General of India, Audit Report (Civil), West  Bengal for the Year 2006-2007 stated that “During 2002-2007, the (West Bengal government’s) department could  not spend the budgeted funds of Rs 357.13 crore for urban health  services. Further, unutilised funds of Rs 1.50 crore remained parked  in the personal ledger accounts of the Superintendents of two  hospitals for over seven years.”

Similar is the case with Education sector, West Bengal has the second highest school dropout rate among major states of India.

In recent report prepared by the Pratichi Trust founded by Amartya Sen brings out the sad but trustworthy picture of this apathy. In the census of 1991, West Bengal occupied the 19th position in the order of literacy; at snails’ pace, the position improved to 18th in 2001. According to the census of 2001, three-fourths of the 31.5% of illiterates of the state resided in the villages. It is difficult to comprehend that, in the 21st century; over two and a half crore illiterates reside in a state under continuous ‘communist’ rule for over three decades? It is important to note that literacy is not the only criterion for industrial employment; some language and arithmetic skills are also needed. The record of West Bengal on this score is pathetic. With respect to at least nine years of school-education for young people in the age group of 20-24, the state lags behind the national average. Out of 40,782 villages in the state, there is a middle school only in 5541 villages. There are 18,624 middle schools within a radius of 5 kilometers of a village. As a result, over 40% of the villages do not have a middle school within a radius of 5 kilometers. Yet, the rulers of this state frequently boast of ‘excellence’.[5]

When it came to implementing schemes that the party laid claims for getting them passed in Parliament its result in its own ruled state shows an abject failure

In 2006-07, the person-days of NREGA(National Rural Employment Guarantee Act: The NREGA provides a legal guarantee for one hundred days of employment in every financial year to adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related unskilled manual work at the statutory minimum wage, the Left parties along with many NGOs were in forefront to get the act passed.) employment generated per rural household was 6 in West Bengal and 3 in Kerala, with both states figuring in the list of the 3 worst performers. Compared to this, the all-India average was 17 person-days, and Chhattisgarh generated 34, Madhya  Pradesh 56, Assam 70 and Rajasthan 77 person-days . A similar picture emerges for the next year too: in 2007-08, West Bengal generated 8 person-days and Kerala 6 person-days, much below the all-India average of 16 person-days.

Voices of Revisionism to the fore

The drubbing has given a fillip to party’s liberal (read the openly pro capitalist pro Congress neo liberal social democratic) section to again raise its voice against party’s ‘hard’line leadership that had taken at least some stance against open liberalisation a

“People are just fed up with the CPI-M Politburo’s anti-people stance of formulating policies in air-conditioned rooms. A party can’t be run on the basis of policies alone. Politics is to be understood through the public pulse,” –CPI-M leader Subhas Chakraborty.

The coming days may witness a sharp contradiction arising in the party between the neo liberal group near to the former CM Jyoti Basu and the ‘hardliner’ group led by Karat and other central leadership. People like Subhas Chakraborty and even Buddhdhadev Bhattacharya seems still to have turned Nelson’s eye to the real cause of party’s mauling and have been blaming the stance of central leadership regarding withdrawal of support to the congress government and opposing of reforms. They seem to be endorsing the view that the results have been a victory for the forces of neo-liberalism and stable government.

In coming days several such voices are expected to emanate from various quarters of the party the revisionist have history of liquidation and decimation of communist parties from giants like the CPSU to the smaller yet powerful entities like CPGB. So if we see voices clamouring for complete change of the party on patterns of European leftist outfits then it should not come as a big surprise.

Conclusion

It is certain that as and when the new government unleashes the next round of neo liberal economic agenda and draconian laws, the lives of large sections of the Indian population will be tremendously affected.

The Left deserves an applause that because of their persistent opposition to reforms is core financial sectors like Banking, Finance and Pension that Indian economy remained insulated from the recession sweeping the entire capitalist world. Even after the global financial meltdown and crumpling of the financial giants like AIG and Lehman Brothers, Indian banks and financial market were able to with stand the shock.

Now the new government has made its stand amply clear that it would speed up the process of neo-liberal reforms that it could not achieve due to Left’s reluctance. This means submitting the large amount of fund in Pension deposit to the whimsical nature of stock and capital market, privatising the profit making Public sector industries, giving virtual infinite power to the international and comprador bourgeoisies in exploiting working class. The capitalists and their lackeys in media are all in a joyous mood about the impending capitalism that is coming to India shore, largely oblivious to the current state of capitalism world wide. The working class is in for severe repression and exploitation.

Today those at the helm of CPI (M) both at the central and state level have jettisoned the idea of socialism accepting capitalist path as the ultimate truth. Communism for CPI (M) has become just a word in its nomenclature and revolution has been limited to the slogan of inqilab jindabad (Long Live Revolution) that is to be just parroted in rallies and strikes. It has the same significance in CPI (M) today as the poem/anthem Red Flag had in the British Labour Party before being finally discarded by the openly pro capitalist Blaire and company.

The severe mauling of CPI (M) has also given the revolutionary left a chance to consolidate itself to fill the space created by the degeneration of CPM into open party of capitalist class. If the revolutionary communist groups adapt correct tactics then there is a major scope of reinvigorating the revolutionary left movement in India once again. The need of the hour is to unite the Revolutionary and progressive forces and initiate a country wide mass peoples struggle in order to halt and reverse the onslaught of neo liberalism. Neo liberalism has to be substituted by a programme of pro-people industrial development founded on adequate compensation for the potentially displaced and the consent of the working people that would put people’s interest before corporate interest. This is the immediate task of the genuine left and democratic forces in the country.

June, 2009

*   *   *   *

 

Further Reading:

1.In the Aftermath of Nandigram Prabhat Patnaik Economic and Political Weekly, May 26, 2007

2.On the Events in Nandigram, Revolutionary Democracy, Vol. XIII, No. 2, September 2007

3.CPM’s Grazing Land, Sumit Mitra Revolutionary Democracy, Vol. XIII, No. 2, September 2007

4.Stalemate in Bengal, Economic and Political Weekly, March 21-27,200

Notes and Reference:
[1] A detail analysis of CPI(M)’s revisionism, see the article Chameleon has revealed its true colours, at http://www.geocities.com/marxistfront

[2]  Ashok Mitra, Why Fool yourself?/ Introspection may help the CPI(M) recognize a harsh truth, Fri, 2009-05-22 21:28,   http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090522/jsp/opinion/story_10994551.jsp, accessed (4/06/2009)

[3] One of the few Trotskyite sites from India ‘The New Wave’

[4] CPM’s Grazing Land, Sumit Mitra Revolutionary Democracy, Vol. XIII, No. 2, September 2007

[5] op. cite

Remembering Comrade Moni Guha

Comrade Moni Guha
29th September 1914 – 7th April 2009

Comrade Moni Guha breathed his last  on the morning of 7th April 2009 in the city of Kolkata. He was 95. Born on 29th September 1914, comrade Guha was veteran of the Indian communist movement who devoted almost eighty years of his life upholding the banner of Marxism Leninism. Though never a successful mass leader of any political party comrade Guha always strove for organizing group of comrades who really understood the basic tenets of Marxism Leninism and who would be ‘class-for-itself’ and not just ‘class-in-itself’. It is a remarkable testimony to his personal and political qualities that he was held in high esteem even by his critics.

A man with an encyclopeadic knowledge of Marxism-Leninism, his identity as a scholar in Marxism and specially as Stalinist scholar is acknowledged even by his most vocal critic, comrade Guha came in contact and crossed swords with many of the titans of the communist movement such as M.N. Roy, B.T. Ranadive and Charu Majumdar. It goes to comrade Moni Guha’s analytical prowess that he was among the first few who understood the revisionist strands in the 20th Congress of the CPSU within weeks of the event, when other communist intellectuals and parties were still  trying to interpret the emerging phenomenon.

His small booklet ‘Revisionism against Revisionism’ is a brilliant piece of Marxist analysis where comrade Guha,, meticulously exposed the deviations almost amounting to revisionism in Mao’s and CPC’s struggle with CPSU, that he termed as a struggle between two revisionists. His other works like Moscow Trial, 20th Congress and Stalin, Yugoslav question and the Role of CPC and CPSU, , Mao supplements Krushchev , Trotsky in the eyes of Lenin, Mao-tse-tung, are works par excellence in the great tradition of Marxism Leninism, aimed understanding the root cause of revisionism that has come to plague the international communist Movement. Though on the character of Indian revolution Com. Guha held that India has become a capitalist country and the stage of revolution has thus become socialist, this view we think is erroneous given the objective and subjective condition prevailing in India today. the data and the stage of industrialisation, state of agricultural sector all, according to us points that India is still a middle level capitalist country, a junior member of the imperialist club hence the stage of revolution has to be democratic rather than Socialistic!

Some of comrade Moni Guha’s articles can be found on the website of his Journal Proletariat Path at http://www23.brinkster.com/proletarianpath/

Comrade Guha’s View on the Stage and characteristic of Indian Revolution titled “Marxist Methodology and the Current Stage of the Indian Revolution” at
http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv3n2/stage.htm 

Lal Salaam comrade Moni Guha